Jump to content

Anocracy

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Semi-democracy)
Part of the Politics series
Basic forms of government

List of forms of government

List of countries by system of government
Source of power
Democracy (rule by many)
Oligarchy (rule by few)
Autocracy (rule by one)
Anarchy (rule by none)
Power ideology
(socio-political ideologies)
(socio-economic ideologies)
  • Religious
  • Secular
(geo-cultural ideologies)
Power structure
Unitarism
Client state
Federalism
International relations
Related
icon Politics portal
Part of the Politics series
Democracy
Types
Related topics
Region
icon Politics portal

Anocracy, or semi-democracy,[1] is a form of government that is loosely defined as part democracy and part dictatorship,[2][3] or as a "regime that mixes democratic with autocratic features".[3] Another definition classifies anocracy as "a regime that permits some means of participation through opposition group behavior but that has incomplete development of mechanisms to redress grievances."[4][5] The term "semi-democratic" is reserved for stable regimes that combine democratic and authoritarian elements.[6][7] Scholars distinguish anocracies from autocracies and democracies in their capability to maintain authority, political dynamics, and policy agendas.[8] Anocratic regimes have democratic institutions that allow for nominal amounts of competition.[2] Such regimes are particularly susceptible to outbreaks of armed conflict and unexpected or adverse changes in leadership.[9]

The operational definition of anocracy is extensively used by scholars Monty G. Marshall and Benjamin R. Cole at the Center for Systemic Peace,[10] and that definition was widely disseminated through the polity data series. This data set aims to measure democracy in different states and uses anocracy as one of its classifications for regime type.[11] Consequently, anocracy frequently appears in democratization literature that utilizes the polity data set.[12]

Anocratic regimes, also known as hybrid regimes, are known for having guided democracy instead of liberal democracy. They combine authoritarian powers with some democratic practices, for example holding elections that are competitive to some degree. In a closed anocracy, competitors are drawn from the elite. In an open anocracy, others also compete.[9] The number of anocratic regimes has steadily increased over time, with the most notable jump occurring after the end of the Cold War.[9] From 1989 to 2013, the number of anocracies increased from 30 to 53.[13]

Characteristics

[edit]
Map of the world published by Our World in Data in 2015, showing countries color-coded according to their regime type, which was based on their score in the Polity IV data set. Closed anocracies are shown in orange (scores between -5 and 0) and open anocracies are shown in yellow (scores between 1 and 5).[14]

Human rights

[edit]

The instability of anocratic regimes causes human rights violations to be significantly higher within anocracies than democratic regimes.[15][16][17] According to Maplecroft's 2014 Human Rights Risk Atlas, eight of the top ten worst human-rights-violating countries are anocracies.[18][19] In addition, the report categorized every current anocracy as "at risk" or at "extreme risk" of human rights offenses.[18]

The high correlation between anocratic regimes and human rights abuses denotes the nonlinear progression in a country's transition from an autocracy to a democracy.[20][21][22][23] Generally, human rights violations substantially decrease when a certain threshold of full democracy is reached.[16][24] However, human rights abuses tend to remain the same or even to increase as countries move from an autocratic to an anocratic regime.[17][25][26]

During the revolutions of the Arab Spring, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen, all of the countries made relative progress towards more democratic regimes.[27] With many of the authoritarian practices of their governments remaining, those states currently fall under the category of anocracies.[13] They are also listed as some of the most extreme human-rights-violating countries in the world.[18][19] The violations include torture, police brutality, slavery, discrimination, unfair trials, and restricted freedom of expression.[19][28] Research has shown that political protests, such as those that occurred during the Arab Spring, generally lead to an increase in human right violations, as the existing government tries to retain power and influence over governmental opposition.[17][20][29][30][31] Therefore, transitioning governments tend to have high levels of human rights abuses.[32][33]

In its annual Freedom in the World report, Freedom House scored states’ violations of civil liberties on a seven-point scale, with a score of seven representing the highest percentage of violations.[34] Freedom House defined civil liberty violations as the infringement of freedom of expression, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and individual rights.[35] Most consolidated democracies received scores of one, but almost all anocracies were scored between four and six because of the high percentage of civil liberties violations in most anocratic regimes.[34]

Violence

[edit]

Statistics show that anocracies are ten times more likely to experience intrastate conflict than democracies and twice as likely as autocracies.[36] One explanation for the increase in violence and conflict within anocracies is a theory known as More Murder in the Middle (MMM).[20][37] The theory argues that the unstable characteristics of anocratic regimes, which include the presence of divided elites, inequality, and violent challengers who threaten the legitimacy of the current social order, cause governing elites to resort to much more political repression or state terror than do democratic or authoritarian regimes.[20][33][38][unreliable source?] That leads to high levels of what are termed "life-integrity violations,"[20][32][33] which include state-sponsored genocide, extrajudicial executions, and torture.[20][25][26][32][33][39]

State life-integrity violations can be categorized as acts of state terror.[32][33][40] Acts of terrorism by both governmental and outside groups are generally higher in transitioning anocratic governments than in either democratic or authoritarian regimes.[41][42] Harvard Public Policy Professor Alberto Abadie argues that the tight control of an authoritarian regime is likely to discourage terrorist activities in the state. However, without the stability of a clear authoritarian rule or a consolidated democracy, anocracies are more open and susceptible to terrorist attacks.[42][43] He notes that in Iraq and previously Spain and Russia, transitions from an authoritarian regime to a democracy were accompanied by temporary increases in terrorism.[44]

According to the political terror scale (PTS), a data set that ranks state sponsored violence on a five-point scale, almost every anocracy is ranked as having a score between three and five.[45] On the scale, a score of three indicates that in a state, "there is extensive political imprisonment, or a recent history of such imprisonment. Execution or other political murders and brutality may be common. Unlimited detention, with or without a trial, for political views is accepted."[45] States are ranked as a four when "civil and political rights violations have expanded to large numbers of the population. Murders, disappearances and torture are a common part of life. In spite of its generality, on this level terror affects those who interest themselves in politics or ideas."[45] Scores of five are given to states if "terror has expanded to the whole population. The leaders of these societies place no limits on the means or thoroughness with which they pursue personal or ideological goals."[45] Although only eleven states were given scores of five in the 2012 Political Terror Scale report, four of those states, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan, were classified by the polity data series as anocracies.[13][45]

Civil war

[edit]

There are differing views on whether or not anocracy leads to civil war. It is debated whether or not transitions between government regimes or political violence lead to civil war.

Civil wars in unstable countries are usually the outcome of a country's inability to meet the population's demands.[9] The inability of the state to provide for the needs of the population leads to factionalism within the country.[9] When factions are not able to get what they want, they take up arms against the state.[9]

Former democracies that transition to anocracy have a greater risk of being embroiled in civil conflict.[4] The population's awareness of what rights they had as a democratic society may compel them to fight to regain their rights and liberties. On the other hand, autocracies that transition into anocracies are less likely to break out in civil war.[4] Not all anocracies are unstable. There are many[citation needed] countries that are stable but are classified as anocracies, such as Russia[as of?].[4][13] It is the transitional qualities associated with some anocracies that are predictive of civil conflict.[4] The magnitude of the transition also affects the probability of a civil conflict. The higher the magnitude of the transition, the higher the likelihood of civil war.[4]

However, some international relations experts use the polity data series in the formulation of their hypothesis and study, which presents a problem because the Polity IV system uses violence and civil war as factors in its computation of a country's polity score.[2] Two components, "the degree of institutionalization, or regulation, of political competition,"[2] and "the extent of government restriction on political competition,"[2] are problematic to use in any study involving Polity IV and civil war in anocratic governments. In the numeric rating system of one of these parts of Polity IV, unregulated, "may or may be characterized by violent conflict among partisan groups."[2] The other component states that "there are relatively stable and enduring political groups - but competition among them is intense, hostile, and frequently violent."[2] The only thing that can be deduced concretely is that political violence tends to lead to civil war.[2] There is no solid evidence to support that political institutions in an anocracy leads to civil war.[2]

Broadness and complexity

[edit]

While the first three characteristics capture the instability of anocracies, another feature of anocratic regimes is their broad descriptiveness. Anocracy describes a regime type with a mix of institutional characteristics that either constrains or promotes the democratic process, "encapsulating a complex category encompassing many institutional arrangements."[4][3] Although anocracies demonstrate some capacity for civil society and political participation, their autocratic and democratic counterparts show considerably more or less capabilities.[4][3] Thus, while scholars are easily able to identify democratic and autocratic regimes based on their respective characteristics, anocracies become a wider, "catchall" category for all other regimes.[4] However, despite its broadness and complexity, the convention is still used because of its relevance to civil instability as well as its usage in the polity data series.[4][46]

Examples

[edit]

Africa

[edit]

At the end of World War II, European control over its colonial territories in Africa diminished.[9] During the period of decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s, many African states gained independence.[9] Although these newly independent African states could become either democratic or autocratic regimes, manageability issues made way for autocratic regimes to come into power.[9] Most underdeveloped African states that did become democracies in this period failed within 10 years and transitioned to autocracies.[9] For about 30 years after 1960, the number of autocratic regimes in Africa rose from 17 to 41 as the number of democratic regimes stayed around five.[9][47] After the fall of communist states in Europe and the rise of democratization at the end of the Cold War, Africa experienced a major political transformation.[47] In the 1990s, the number of autocracies decreased to nine, and the number of democracies increased to nine since many African countries remained anocratic.[9][47] By 2012, Africa had three autocracies, 17 democracies, and 30 anocracies.[47] By 2013, most African countries had remained either open or closed anocracies.[9] As African states transition from autocracy to anocracy and from anocracy to democracy, electoral conflicts and violence remain prevalent.[48]

Nigeria

[edit]

With a polity score of four in 2014, Nigeria is categorized as an open anocracy, transitioning closer to democracy than autocracy.[13] In recent years, Nigeria has displayed characteristics of anocratic regimes including political corruption and electoral riggings.[49] Following years of military rule after gaining independence in 1960 to 1999 except for 1979 to 1983, the 2007 general elections marked the first time in Nigerian history that political leadership was passed from one civilian to another by an election.[49] However, in late 2006, just months before the April 2007 general election, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo used state institutions to try to defeat political opponents as he attempted to win a third presidential term.[49][50] Using the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), an institution created by his administration, the former president had some of his political enemies and their family members arrested or detained.[50] Despite the electoral conflicts, some Nigerians view their country as running on democratic principles because military power has been controlled by political elites for 15 years.[50] However, those electoral conflicts, combined with state governors using legislative and judiciary power to win elections repeatedly, suggests that Nigeria remains an anocracy.[50] Ex-President Goodluck Jonathan was accused of abusing his power in an attempt to remain in office after 2015, despite claiming his presidency advocated democratic principles.[50] The Administration of President Buhari has also seen State forces used in ways that can be at times described as anti-democratic by State Governors and agents of the Federal Government

Somalia

[edit]

Somalia was labeled as an autocracy from 1969 to 2012, with a polity score of negative seven throughout the entire period.[13] From 1969 to 1991, Siad Barre was the military dictator of the Somali Democratic Republic.[51] After Barre was overthrown in 1991, two decades of chaos ensued, as civil war broke out and rival warlords fought to gain power. The consistent fighting of tribal leaders and warlords made the country unable to deal with natural disasters, droughts, and famines, which caused a combined 500,000 deaths in famines in 1992 and 2010 to 2012.[51]

After years of being split into fiefdoms, the main Somali warlords established an agreement to appoint a new president in 2004. However, the plan failed when Islamist insurgents, including the radical youth militia al-Shabaab, which has links to Al-Qaeda, gained control over much of southern Somalia from 2006 to 2008.[51][52] With the assistance of international peacekeeping offensives and the Kenyan army, the Islamist insurgents were forced to withdraw in 2012.[51] In the same year, the first formal parliament in over 20 years was appointed in Somalia.[51] The newly formed parliament chose Hassan Sheikh Mohamud as the new president in September 2012. With international assistance, the Somali government has been able to rebuild itself and the country has recently been relatively more stable.[51] Since 2013, Somalia has retained a polity score of five and is listed as an open anocracy.[13]

Uganda

[edit]

In the 1990s, Uganda transitioned from an autocracy to a closed anocracy.[13] Although Uganda saw a jump in its polity score in the mid-2000s, it has retained a polity score of negative two for the last decade.[13] Uganda is populated by many ethnic groups with the largest, the Buganda group, making up 17% of the population.[53] Since Uganda gained independence in 1962, incessant conflict has ensued among approximately 17 ethnic groups, which has led to political instability.[53] The dictator Idi Amin was responsible for around 300,000 deaths under his rule from 1971 to 1979, and guerrilla warfare from 1980 to 1985 under Milton Obote killed 100,000 people.[53] Human rights abuses under both rulers led to even more deaths from 1971 to 1985.[53]

In the early 1990s, Uganda experienced large-scale violent dissent as the country experienced more rebellions and guerrilla warfare.[54] As a result of the wars, the government called for non-party presidential and legislative elections in the mid-1990s.[53] A period of relative peace followed, as a common law legal system was instituted in 1995. Uganda transitioned from an authoritarian regime to a closed anocracy.[13][53] The political situation of Uganda has seen little improvement under the rule of Yoweri Museveni, who has maintained power since 1986[53] because other political organizations in Uganda cannot sponsor candidates.[53] Only Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) can operate without any limitations, leading to electoral conflicts and violence.[53]

Zimbabwe

[edit]

When Robert Mugabe became president in 1980, Zimbabwe was listed as an open anocracy with a polity score of four.[13][55] By 1987, the country had almost fully transitioned to an authoritarian regime, with a polity score of negative six, which made it a closed anocracy.[13] After remaining on the border between an authoritarian regime and closed anocracy for over a decade, Zimbabwe's polity score increased in the early 2000s. Currently, Zimbabwe has a polity score of 4, making it an open anocracy.[13] In recent years, Zimbabwe has moved toward becoming a more democratic regime, but electoral conflicts and human rights violations still exist leaving Zimbabwe as an anocratic regime.[55][56]

In the late 1990s, when Zimbabwe was a closed anocracy, the country experienced major human rights violations.[56] Labor strikes were common, as employers did not listen to the demands of their employees, and real wages fell by 60 percent from 1992 to 1997.[56] The labor strikes that occurred in the late 1990s were declared illegal by the government of Zimbabwe, and blame was put on poor working-class citizens.[56] As labor laws continued hurting workers, health services declined, and housing projects stagnated.[56]

Since becoming president in 1980, Mugabe used a variety of tactics to remain in power that led to major electoral conflicts over the years.[55] In the March 2008 presidential election, the electoral body reported that Morgan Tsvangirai, the presidential candidate of the opposing party, had received more votes than Mugabe.[55] However, because Tsvangirai received 48% of the vote and not an absolute majority, it was announced that a runoff would take place. Using intimidation tactics, including murder threats, Mugabe and his party forced Tsvangirai to withdraw from the runoff, and Mugabe remained in power.[55] A US-led United Nations Security Council resolution to impose sanctions on Mugabe failed, and talks about powersharing between Mugabe and Tsvangirai ended soon after the runoff.[55] After an opposing party candidate, Lovemore Moyo, won Speaker of the Legislature, a powersharing coalition was finally set up in September 2008 in which Tsvangirai was named prime minister.[55] By 2010 the polity score of Zimbabwe had increased from one to four.[13] However, in 2013, Mugabe won his seventh straight presidential term, and the election was criticized for being rigged to allow Mugabe to win.[55]

Asia

[edit]

Burma

[edit]

Burma, or the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, is classified as an anocracy because of adverse armed conflict, changes in leadership, and the partly democratic, partly authoritarian nature of its government. Burma had a representative democracy after it gained independence from Britain. Soon after independence was achieved, there was an outbreak of various insurgencies and rebellions.[57] Many of the insurgencies were caused by divides along ethnic lines.[57] One of the most prominent civil wars in Burma, the Kachin conflict, restarted in 2011, and Burma is still embroiled in a civil war.[58][59]

Burma has had a history of changes in government, usually by military coups. In 1962, General Ne Win enacted a military coup and created the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which held power for 26 years.[60] On September 18, 1988, General Saw Maung led another military coup to return the government to the people and created the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), which was renamed State Peace and Development Council.[61] After holding free and legitimate elections in May 1990, the National League for Democracy (NLD) won with Aung San Suu Kyi at its head.[61] However, the military junta refused to give up power to the NLD.[61] The Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), backed by the military, won the 2010 elections and the military government was dissolved soon afterward.[60][62][63]

The Burmese government shows signs of having democratic as well as authoritarian features. Burma is a pseudodemocratic state because of the elections that were held in 1990 and 2010.[61][62] However, both elections were problematic because the military did not transfer power to the winning party in 1990, and the 2010 elections were seen as illegitimate.[61][62][64] Violent repression is the biggest signifier of the authoritarian nature of the Burmese government. The Win regime was marked by extreme oppression and human rights abuses and as a result, Burmese civilians and students protested against the government.[65][66] The Burmese government responded violently to the protests and the Tatmadaw, or Myanmar Armed Forces, killed many of the protestors.[66] After the coup in 1988 by General Maung, the protests were violently suppressed again, as Maung's government proceeded to implement martial law to bring peace and order.[61]

Cambodia

[edit]

Cambodia is an example of anocracy because its government displays democratic and authoritarian aspects. Under the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia, Cambodia implemented an electoral system based on proportional representation, held legitimate elections, and instituted a parliamentary system of government.[67] The constitution created on 21 September 1993 indicated that Cambodia was a parliamentary government with a constitutional monarchy.[67] Cambodia exhibited signs of a democratic state, especially with the presence of elections and a proportionally representative government. After the coup in 1997, the Cambodian government has taken more authoritarian measures to keep peace in the country.[68] Protests have been suppressed violently by pro-government forces and many human rights activists and protesters have been arrested by the Cambodian government.[68][69][70]

Cambodia shows signs of being an unstable government with abrupt changes in leadership, making it an anocracy. The initial elections led to FUNCINPEC's victory, under the leadership of Prince Ranariddh. FUNCINPEC and the Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party won 68 out of 120 seats in the National Assembly.[67] The Cambodian People's Party, led by Hun Sen, refused to accept the outcome. Although a coalitional government was created with Prince Ranariddh as the First Prime Minister and Sen as the Second Prime Minister, the deal failed as Sen led a coup d'état on July 5, 1997.[71] Sen and the CPP have been in power ever since, and the CPP recently won a general election against the Cambodia National Rescue Party, led by Sam Rainsy.[72]

Thailand

[edit]

Thailand's history of leadership changes make it an anocratic state. Thailand has been in a constant state of political upheaval since 1993.[67] Coups d'état and widespread political corruption are the main causes of political instability. Thailand experienced a period of political liberalization under General Prem Tinsulanonda, an unelected prime minister[clarification needed] from 1980 to 1988.[67][73] A series of coups ensued soon afterward. General Suchinda Kraprayoon led a coup against Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan on February 23, 1991.[74] After the Black May incident, Suchinda was forced to resign, and Anand Panyarachun was assigned the position of temporary prime minister.[74] Thaksin Shinawatra won the 2001 elections and became prime minister; he won again in 2005 but was deposed in the 2006 Thai coup d'état.[75] After a new constitution was adopted, Samak Sundaravej and his People's Power Party (Thailand) won the 2007 election, and Sundaravej became prime minister.[76] However, a conflict of interest caused Sundaravej to be ousted, and Somchai Wongsawat was elected as the new prime minister.[77][78] Shortly after his election, Prime Minister Wongsawat and the PPP was found guilty of electoral fraud, and Wongsawat lost his position.[79] Abhisit Vejjajiva's election as the next prime minister was met with opposition by "Red Shirts."[80] On July 3, 2011, Yingluck Shinawatra, belonging to the Pheu Thai Party, was elected as prime minister.[81] After mass protests in 2013, Shinawatra was deposed by a military coup led by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, who was prime minister until 2023.[82][83]

Successful transitions to democracy

[edit]

Anocratic regimes are often implicitly mentioned in democratic transition literature.[84][85][86] There are numerous examples of regimes that have successfully transitioned to democracy from anocracy.

Mexico

[edit]

Mexico's transition from an anocratic to democratic regime occurred in the 1980s and the 1990s on the electoral stage. The period was characterized by the rise of multiple parties, the decline of power of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, and the decentralization of power from the national level to municipalities.[87] The democratization process produced competitive elections with less voting fraud, culminating with the 1994 presidential election.[88][89] There was also a documented increase in the role of media and journalism during this period, which led to the creation of various special interest groups, such as those representing the environment, indigenous rights, and women's rights.[88] However, violence continues to remain a characteristic of Mexico's local elections.[90][91][92]

Taiwan

[edit]

At the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the Republic of China retreated to the island of Taiwan. The constitution used by the Republic of China to govern Taiwan guaranteed civil rights and elections, but it was ignored in favor of rule under martial law.[93] Taiwan's pro-democracy movement gained momentum in the early 1980s and coalesced into the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party in 1986. Over the next decade, Taiwan attempted to restore the civil rights promised in its constitution, culminating with Taiwan's first direct presidential election in 1996.[94] Taiwan continues to move towards a consolidated democracy.[95]

Ghana

[edit]

In 1991, Ghana was listed as an autocratic regime with a polity score of negative seven. By the late 1990s and early 2000s, Ghana was an open anocracy. In 2005, Ghana successfully transitioned from an open anocracy to a democracy as it has retained a polity score of eight since 2006.[13] A major part of Ghana's success can be attributed to its management of the electoral process to decrease electoral conflict.[48] Since Ghana began having elections in 1992, the strengthening of government institutions such as a strong, independent electoral commission has decreased electoral conflict.[48] The existence of civil society organizations and a media aimed at ensuring democratic principles have also helped manage electoral conflicts in Ghana. For example, Ghana's 2008 elections ended peacefully, as political institutions were able to respond to electoral challenges and advance democratic principles and processes.[48] However, some electoral conflicts remain on a small scale in Ghana such as ethnic vote blocking, vote buying, intimidation, and hate speeches.[48] Yet, even with those minor conflicts, Ghana has been able to transform from an anocracy to a democracy by decreasing electoral conflicts.[48]

Etymology

[edit]

Use of the word "anocracy" in English dates back to at least 1950, when R. F. C. Hull's reprinted translation of Martin Buber's 1946 work Pfade in Utopia (Paths in Utopia) distinguished "an-ocracy" (neoclassical compound: ἀκρατία akratia) from "anarchy", and defined "an-ocracy" as meaning "not absence of government but absence of domination".[96] The word "anocracy" is a mistranslation by Hull of Buber's word "Akratie".[97]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Quigley, Carroll (1983). Weapons systems and political stability: a history. University Press of America. p. 307. ISBN 978-0-8191-2947-5. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i Gandhi, Jennifer; Vreeland, James (June 2008). "Political Institutions and Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy". Journal of Conflict Solutions. 52 (3): 401–425. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.584.1330. doi:10.1177/0022002708315594. S2CID 42071287.
  3. ^ a b c d Fearon, James; Laitan, David (February 2003). "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War". American Political Science Review. 97: 75–90. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534. S2CID 8303905.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Regan, Patrick; Bell, Sam (December 2010). "Changing Lanes or Stuck in the Middle: Why Are Anocracies More Prone to Civil Wars?". Political Science Quarterly. 63 (4): 747–759. doi:10.1177/1065912909336274. S2CID 154960398.
  5. ^ Benson, Michelle; Kugler, Jackek (April 1998). "Power Parity, Democracy, and Severity of Internal Violence". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 42 (2): 196–209. doi:10.1177/0022002798042002004. S2CID 143823486.
  6. ^ Montesquieu. "2–3". Spirit of the Laws. Vol. II.
  7. ^ Everdell, William R. (2000-04-15). The End of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-22482-4.
  8. ^ Marshall, Monty G.; Gurr, Ted Robert (2003). Peace and conflict 2003: A global survey of armed conflicts, self-determination movements, and democracy (PDF) (Report). College Park: Center for International Development and Conflict Management, University of Maryland.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Marshall, Monty G.; Cole, Benjamin R. (23 July 2014). "Global Report 2014 - Conflict, Governance, and State Fragility" (PDF). Center for Systemic Peace.
  10. ^ "index". www.systemicpeace.org. Retrieved 2023-01-18.
  11. ^ Center for Systemic Peace. "PolityProject".
  12. ^ Seawright, Jason; Collier, David (2014). "Rival Strategies of Validation: Tools for Evaluating Measure of Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 47 (1): 111–138. doi:10.1177/0010414013489098. S2CID 14026291.
  13. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Marshall, Monty (6 June 2014). "Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2013".
  14. ^ "Political Regime – distinction democracies and full democracies". Our World in Data.
  15. ^ Vreeland, James Raymond (2008). "The Effect of Political Regime on Civil War: Unpacking Anocracy". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 52 (3): 401–425. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.584.1330. doi:10.1177/0022002708315594. JSTOR 27638616. S2CID 42071287.
  16. ^ a b Davenport, Christian; Armstrong, David A. (2004). "Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical Analysis from 1976 to 1996". American Journal of Political Science. 48 (3): 538–554. doi:10.1111/j.0092-5853.2004.00086.x. JSTOR 1519915.
  17. ^ a b c Landman, Todd (July 2005). "The Political Science of Human Rights". British Journal of Political Science. 35 (3): 549–572. doi:10.1017/s0007123405000293. JSTOR 4092244.
  18. ^ a b c "Maplecroft 2014 Global Risk Analytics". Maplecroft.
  19. ^ a b c Gates, Sara (4 December 2014). "The 10 Worst Countries For Human Rights". The Huffington Post.
  20. ^ a b c d e f Fein, Helen (February 1995). "Life Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World, 1987". Human Rights Quarterly. 7 (1): 170–191. doi:10.1353/hrq.1995.0001. S2CID 143733298.
  21. ^ Zanger, Sabine (March 2000). "A Global Analysis of the Effect of Political Regime Changes on Life Integrity Violations, 1977-93". Journal of Peace Research. 37 (2): 213–233. doi:10.1177/0022343300037002006. JSTOR 424921. S2CID 110502394.
  22. ^ Davenport, Christian (1996). ""Constitutional Promises" and Repressive Reality: A Cross-National Time-Series Investigation of Why Political and Civil Liberties are Suppressed" (PDF). Journal of Politics. 58 (3): 627–54. doi:10.2307/2960436. JSTOR 2960436. S2CID 154718714.[permanent dead link]
  23. ^ Gartner, S. S.; Regan, P. M. (1996). "Threat and repression: the non-linear relationship between government and opposition violence". Journal of Peace Research. 33 (3): 273–288. doi:10.1177/0022343396033003003. JSTOR 425316. S2CID 36644947.
  24. ^ Dahl, Robert (1966). Political Opposition in Western Democracies. Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300094787.
  25. ^ a b Regan, Patrick M.; Henderson, Errol A. (2002). "Democracy, Threats and Political Repression in Developing Countries: Are Democracies Internally Less Violent?". Third World Quarterly. 23 (1): 119–136. doi:10.1080/01436590220108207. JSTOR 3993579. S2CID 33823017.
  26. ^ a b King, John (1998). "Repression, Domestic Threat, and Interactions in Argentina and Chile". Journal of Political and Military Sociology. 25 (2): 1–27. Archived from the original on 27 March 2012.
  27. ^ Brown, Nathan J.; Hamzawy, Amr (2007). "Arab Spring Fever". The National Interest (91): 33–40. JSTOR 42896072.
  28. ^ Williams, Paul; United Nations General Assembly (1981). The International bill of human rights. Entwhistle Books. ISBN 978-0-934558-07-5.
  29. ^ Manuel Antonio Garreton M. (1994). "Democratisation and Human Rights". Journal of Latin American Studies. 26 (1): 221–234. doi:10.1017/s0022216x00018903. S2CID 145152038.
  30. ^ Francisco, R. A. (1996). "Coercion and protest: An empirical test in two democratic states". American Journal of Political Science. 40 (4): 1179–1204. doi:10.2307/2111747. JSTOR 2111747.
  31. ^ Lichbach, Mark Irving (1987). "Deterrence or Escalation? The Puzzle of Aggregate Studies of Repression and Dissent" (PDF). Journal of Conflict Resolution. 31 (2): 266–297. doi:10.1177/0022002787031002003. S2CID 146719897. Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 December 2013.
  32. ^ a b c d Poe, Steven C.; Tate, C. Neal; Keith, Linda Camp (1999). "Repression of the Human Right to Personal Integrity Revisited: A Global Cross-National Study Covering the Years 1976-1993". International Studies Quarterly. 43 (2): 291–313. doi:10.1111/0020-8833.00121.
  33. ^ a b c d e Lichbach, Mark (1984). "Regime Change and the Coherence of European Governments". American Political Science Review. 80 (3): 1050–1051. doi:10.2307/1960595. JSTOR 1960595. S2CID 147208080.
  34. ^ a b "Freedom in the World 2014: Aggregate and Subcategory Scores". Freedom House. 14 March 2012.
  35. ^ "Methodology". Freedom House. 13 January 2014.
  36. ^ Gehem, M.; Marten, P.; Schellekens, M. (2014). "Balancing on the Brink: Vulnerability of states in the Middle East and North Africa". Hague: The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2014.
  37. ^ Hendrix, Cullen S.; Wong, Wendy H. (July 2013). "When Is the Pen Truly Mighty? Regime Type and the Efficacy of Naming and Shaming in Curbing Human Rights Abuses". British Journal of Political Science. 43 (3): 651–672. doi:10.1017/s0007123412000488. JSTOR 23526248. S2CID 154774395.
  38. ^ Gates, Scott; Havard, Heger; Jones, Mark P.; Strand, Havard (2003). Institutional Inconsistency and Political Instability: The Duration of Polities (Unpublished manuscript, Prio Institute).
  39. ^ Spirer, H. F. (1990). "Violations of Human Rights—How Many?". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 49 (2): 199–210. doi:10.1111/j.1536-7150.1990.tb02272.x.
  40. ^ Gibney, Mark. Wood, Reed M. (2010) The Political Terror Scale (PTS): A Re-Introduction and a Comparison to CIRI."Human Rights Quarterly, Volume 32, Issue 2, 367-400. Retrieved from "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 July 2012. Retrieved 25 November 2014.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  41. ^ "Tourism by Bruno S. Frey and Simon Luechinger" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 September 2015. Retrieved 30 December 2021.
  42. ^ a b "Poverty, Political Freedom, and the Roots of Terrorism" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 December 2014. Retrieved 30 December 2021.
  43. ^ Piazza, J. A. (2008). "Incubators of terror: Do failed and failing states promote transnational terrorism?". International Studies Quarterly. 52 (3): 469–488. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2478.2008.00511.x. S2CID 154963630.
  44. ^ Abadie, A.; Gardeazabal, J. (2003). "The Economic Costs of Conflict: A Case Study of the Basque Country". American Economic Review. 93 (1): 113–131. doi:10.1257/000282803321455188. S2CID 6141454.
  45. ^ a b c d e "The Political Terror Scale". The Political Terror Scale. Retrieved 30 December 2021.
  46. ^ Gates, Scott; Hegre, Havard; Jones, Mark P. (2006). "Institutional inconsistency and political instability: Polity duration 1800-2000". American Journal of Political Science. 50 (4): 893–908. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00222.x.
  47. ^ a b c d Gylfason, Thorvaldur (17 November 2013). "Democracy in Africa". www.voxeu.org.
  48. ^ a b c d e f Adebayo, Akanmu G. (2012). Managing Conflicts in Africa's Democratic Transitions. Lexington Books. pp. 233–252. ISBN 9780739172643.
  49. ^ a b c Herskovits, Jean (Jul–Aug 2007). "Nigeria's Rigged Democracy". Foreign Affairs. 86 (4): 115–130. JSTOR 20032419.
  50. ^ a b c d e Maduekwe, Ojo M. (12 August 2014). "Nigeria: Between Anocracy and Authoritarianism". This Day. Archived from the original on 8 November 2014.
  51. ^ a b c d e f "Somalia Profile". BBC News. BBC. 21 October 2014.
  52. ^ Bruton, Bronwyn (Nov–Dec 2009). "In the Quicksands of Somalia: Where Doing Less Helps More". Foreign Affairs. 88 (6): 79–94. JSTOR 20699717.
  53. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Uganda Country Profile". www.tulane.edu. Archived from the original on 5 April 2015.
  54. ^ Carey, Sabine C. (January 2007). "Rebellion in Africa: Disaggregating the Effect of Political Regimes". Journal of Peace Research. 44 (1): 47–64. doi:10.1177/0022343307072176. JSTOR 27640452. S2CID 110157936.
  55. ^ a b c d e f g h Schofield, Norman; Gallego, Maria. "Autocracy and Anocracy" (PDF).
  56. ^ a b c d e Sibanda, Nomore (1997). "Zimbabwe - careless of human rights". International Union Rights. 4 (4): 23. JSTOR 41937098.
  57. ^ a b Fearon, James D.; Laitin, David D. (n.d.). "Burma" (PDF). Stanford.
  58. ^ Beech, Hannah (21 November 2014). "Inside the Kachin War Against Burma". Time.com.
  59. ^ Whiteman, Hilary (24 January 2013). "Why Kachin conflict threatens Myanmar peace". CNN.com.
  60. ^ a b Bajoria, Jayshree (21 June 2013). "Understanding Myanmar". Cfr.org.
  61. ^ a b c d e f "1988 Uprising and 1990 Election". oxfordburmaalliance.org.
  62. ^ a b c "Western states dismiss Burma's election". bbc.com. 8 November 2010.
  63. ^ "Burma junta disbanded as 'civilian' government sworn in". Theguardian.com. 30 March 2011.
  64. ^ MacFarquhar, Neil (21 October 2010). "U.N. Doubts Fairness of Election in Myanmar". The New York Times.
  65. ^ "Burma's 1988 protests". news.bbc.co.uk. 25 September 2007.
  66. ^ a b "The Ne Win Years: 1962-1988". oxfordburmaalliance.org.
  67. ^ a b c d e Croissant, Aurel; Martin, Beate (2006). Between Consolidation and Crisis: Elections and Democracy in Five Nations in Southeast Asia. LIT Verlag Munster.
  68. ^ a b Freeman, Joe (10 January 2014). "Is Cambodia at a tipping point?". CNN.com.
  69. ^ "Cambodia: New Crackdown on Protesters". Human Rights Watch. 13 November 2014.
  70. ^ Sovuthy, Khy (15 November 2014). "Protesters Call for Release of Detained Activists". cambodiadaily.com.
  71. ^ "A coup in Cambodia". The Economist. 10 July 1997.
  72. ^ "After Cambodia's election". The Economist. 17 August 2013.
  73. ^ Leifer, Michael (13 May 2013). Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia. Routledge.
  74. ^ a b "February 1991 Coup". Globalsecurity.org.
  75. ^ Walker, Peter (19 September 2006). "Thai military claims control after coup". Theguardian.com.
  76. ^ "Thaksin ally wins Thai election". news.bbc.co.uk. 23 December 2007.
  77. ^ Beech, Hannah (9 September 2008). "Thai PM Ousted over Cookery Shows". Time.com.
  78. ^ "Thai MPs elect new prime minister". news.bbc.co.uk. 17 September 2008.
  79. ^ Weaver, Matthew (2 December 2008). "Thailand prime minister to step down after court strips him of office". theguardian.com.
  80. ^ MacKinnon, Ian (15 December 2008). "Thai opposition leader elected PM". Theguardian.com.
  81. ^ "A surprising new face". The Economist. 7 July 2011.
  82. ^ Hodal, Kate (24 May 2014). "Former Thai prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra detained after coup". Theguardian.com.
  83. ^ Lefevre, Amy Sawitta (24 November 2013). "Thai capital hit by biggest protests since deadly 2010 unrest". Reuters.com.
  84. ^ Huntington, Samuel (1991). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
  85. ^ Diamond, Larry (1999). Developing Democracy: Toward Consolidation. Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 9780801861567.
  86. ^ Linz, Juan (Summer 1990). "Transition to Democracy". Washington Quarterly. 143 (64).
  87. ^ Lawson, Chappell (Summer 2000). "Mexico's Unfinished Transition: Democratization and Authoritarian Enclaves in Mexico". Mexican Studies. 16 (2): 267–287. doi:10.1525/msem.2000.16.2.03a00040.
  88. ^ a b Camp, Roderic (2012). The Oxford Handbook of Mexican Politics. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537738-5.
  89. ^ Cornelius, Wayne (Summer 1994). "Mexico's Delayed Democratization". Foreign Policy. 95 (95): 53–71. doi:10.2307/1149423. JSTOR 1149423.
  90. ^ Negroponte, Dianna Villiers (30 November 2001). "Political Violence Surrounding Mexico's Local Elections". Brookings Institution.
  91. ^ Zabluovsky, Karla (6 July 2013). "Mexico's Election Violence Said to Be the Worst in Years". The New York Times. New York Times.
  92. ^ Wilkinson, Tracy (3 July 2013). "Political violence casts shadow over upcoming Mexico Election". Los Angeles Times.
  93. ^ Tien, Hung-Mao; Shiau, Chyuan-Jeng (Fall 1992). "Taiwan's Democratization: A Summary". World Affairs. 155 (2): 58–61.
  94. ^ Rigger, Shelley (10 November 2011). "Democratic Transition and Consolidation in Taiwan". Paper Prepared for Taiwan's Future in the Asian Century: Toward a Strong, Prosperous, and Enduring Democracy Conference.
  95. ^ Diamond, Larry. "How Democratic is Taiwan? Five Key Challenges for Democratic Development and Consolitation" (PDF).
  96. ^ Buber, Martin (1950) [1949]. Paths in utopia. The Martin Buber Library. Translated by Hull, R. F. C. Syracuse University Press. p. 43. ISBN 9780815604211. Retrieved 25 April 2013. [...] Kropotkin is ultimately attacking not State-order as such but only the existing order in all its forms; [...] his "anarchy", like Proudhon's, is in reality "anocracy" (akratia); not absence of government but absence of domination.
  97. ^ Buber, Martin (1950) [1946]. Pfade in Utopia. L. Schneider. p. 77. Retrieved 18 January 2022. [...] seine >>Anarchie<<, wie die Proudhons, in Wahrheit Akratie ist, nicht Regierungslosigkeit, sondern Herrschaftslosigkeit.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Anocracy&oldid=1240343329"